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By Nathan Hodge

In might 2003, President George W. Bush declared victory in Iraq. yet whereas we gained the battle, we catastrophically misplaced the peace. Our failure caused a primary swap in our overseas coverage. faced with the shortcomings of "shock and awe," the U.S. army shifted its concentration to "stability operations": counterinsurgency and the rebuilding of failed states. In lower than a decade, international guidance has develop into militarized; humanitarianism has been armed.
Combining fresh heritage and firsthand reporting, Armed Humanitarians strains how the strategies of nation-building got here into style, and the way, evangelized via imagine tanks, govt seminars, and the click, this new doctrine took root contained in the Pentagon and the nation division. Following this notable test in armed social paintings because it performs out from Afghanistan and Iraq to Africa and Haiti, Nathan Hodge exposes the problems of translating those bold new theories into motion.

Ultimately seeing this new period in overseas family members as a noble yet unsuitable scan, he exhibits how armed humanitarianism traces our assets, deepens our reliance on outsourcing and personal contractors, and ends up in perceptions of a brand new imperialism, arguably a significant component in any variety of new conflicts worldwide. As we try to construct countries, we may well in reality be weakening our own.

Nathan Hodge is a Washington, D.C.-based author who makes a speciality of safety and nationwide safety. He has pronounced from Iran, Iraq, Afghanistan, Russia, and several other international locations within the center East and previous Soviet Union. he's the writer, with Sharon Weinberger, of A Vacation, and his paintings has seemed in Slate, the Financial Times, Foreign Policy, and lots of different newspapers and magazines.

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It is this sufferance and the norm of deference that the presidentialists reject, holding instead that the President’s discretion over Administration is rooted in the Constitution and not in powers granted by Congress. An episode that illustrates the difference in presidentialist and pluralist involves the dispute that emerged in early 2007 between Congress and President George W. S. attorneys. S.  Committees of the House and Senate subsequently moved to acquire White House documents and testimony from both current and former staffers in both the Justice Department and the White House, in order to determine if any aspect of the dismissals was unlawful or otherwise improper.

It is just on this point, however, that the contest between presidentialism and pluralism is asymmetrical. In general, Presidents want more, not less unilateral power. Presidential performance is typically measured by accomplishment, and the pace and volume of accomplishment for which Presidents can take full credit can be diminished to the extent that Presidents have to take the time to accommodate Congress and the courts in bringing their initiatives to fruition. Presidents’ lives are easier, politically speaking, the more authority they can wield without accountability to the other two branches.

The next chapters explain why the Constitution does not support our extreme contemporary presidentialism and explore the harm to government that results from its practice. In the final chapter, I conclude with an overall perspective on the implications of presidentialism for democracy and a set of recommendations for how to move the country back toward more robust checks and balances. Some of those recommendations will speak to changes within government that judges and elected officials could implement in fairly straightforward fashion now.

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Armed Humanitarians: The Rise of the Nation Builders by Nathan Hodge

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